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Power and Cooperation: An American Foreign Policy for the Age of Global Politics The age of geopolitics in American foreign policy is over; the age of global politics has begun. Throughout the twentieth century, traditional geopolitics drove U. S. thinking on foreign affairs: American security depended on preventing any one country from achieving dominion over the Eurasian landmass. That objective was achieved with the collapse of the Soviet Union. Now the United States finds itself confronting a new international environment, one without a peer competitor but that nonetheless presents serious threats to American security. The terrorists who struck the World Trade Center and the Pentagon neither represented a traditional state-based threat nor were tied to a specific geographical location. Nevertheless, nineteen people with just a few hundred thousand dollars succeeded in harming the most powerful nation on earth. For more than three centuries, the dynamics of world politics was determined by the interplay among states, especially the great powers. Today, world politics is shaped by two unprecedented phenomena that are in some tension with each other. One is the sheer predominance of the United States. Today, as never before, what matters most in international politics is how—and whether—Washington acts on any given issue. The other is globalization, which has unleashed economic, political, and social forces that are beyond the capacity of any one country, including the United States, to control. American primacy and globalization bring the United States great rewards as well as great dangers. Primacy gives Washington an unsurpassed ability to get its way in international affairs, while globalization enriches the American economy and spreads American values. But America’s great power and the penetration of its culture, products, and influence deep into other societies breed intense resentment and grievances. Great power and great wealth do not necessarily produce greater respect or greater security. American leaders and the American people are now grappling with the double-edged sword that is the age of global politics.
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更多 “问答题Power and Cooperation: An American Foreign Policy for the Age of Global Politics The age of geopolitics in American foreign policy is over; the age of global politics has begun. Throughout the twentieth century, traditional geopolitics drove U. S. thinking on foreign affairs: American security depended on preventing any one country from achieving dominion over the Eurasian landmass. That objective was achieved with the collapse of the Soviet Union. Now the United States finds itself confronting a new international environment, one without a peer competitor but that nonetheless presents serious threats to American security. The terrorists who struck the World Trade Center and the Pentagon neither represented a traditional state-based threat nor were tied to a specific geographical location. Nevertheless, nineteen people with just a few hundred thousand dollars succeeded in harming the most powerful nation on earth. For more than three centuries, the dynamics of world politics was determined by the interplay among states, especially the great powers. Today, world politics is shaped by two unprecedented phenomena that are in some tension with each other. One is the sheer predominance of the United States. Today, as never before, what matters most in international politics is how—and whether—Washington acts on any given issue. The other is globalization, which has unleashed economic, political, and social forces that are beyond the capacity of any one country, including the United States, to control. American primacy and globalization bring the United States great rewards as well as great dangers. Primacy gives Washington an unsurpassed ability to get its way in international affairs, while globalization enriches the American economy and spreads American values. But America’s great power and the penetration of its culture, products, and influence deep into other societies breed intense resentment and grievances. Great power and great wealth do not necessarily produce greater respect or greater security. American leaders and the American people are now grappling with the double-edged sword that is the age of global politics.” 相关考题
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The increase in international business and in foreign investment has created a need for executives with knowledge of foreign languages and skills in cross-cultural communication. Americans, however, have not been well trained in either area and, consequently, have not enjoyed the same level of success in negotiation in an international arena as have their foreign counterparts.Negotiating is the process of communicating back and forth for the purpose of reaching an agreement. It involves persuasion and compromise, but in order to participate in either one, the negotiators must understand the ways in which people are persuaded and how compromise is reached within the culture of the negotiation.In many international business negotiations abroad, Americans are perceived as wealthy and impersonal. It often appears to the foreign negotiator that the American represents a large multi-million-dollar corporation that can afford to pay the price without bargaining further. The American negotiator's role becomes that of an impersonal supplier of information and cash.In studies of American negotiators abroad, several traits have been identified that may serve to confirm this stereotypical perception, while undermining the negotiator's position. Two traits in particular that cause cross-cultural misunderst anding are directness and impatience on the part of the American negotiator. Furthermore, American negotiators often insist on realizing short-term goals. Foreign negotiators, on the other hand, may value the relationship established between negotiators and may be willing to invest time in it for long-term benefits. In order to solidify the relationship, they may opt for indirect interactions without regard for the time involved in getting to know the other negotiator.Clearly, perceptions and differences in values affect the outcomes of negotiations and the success of negotiators. For Americans to play a more effective role in international business negotiations, they must put forth more effort to improve cross-cultural understanding.(1) What kind of manager is needed in present international business and foreign investment?A、The man who represents a large multi-million-dollar corporation.B、The man with knowledge of foreign languages and skills in cross-cultural communication.C、The man who is wealthy and impersonal.D、The man who can negotiate with his foreign counterparts.(2) According to the passage, international business negotiation involves.A、short-term goalsB、long-term benefitsC、information and cashD、persuasion and compromise(3) In the foreign negotiators’eyes their American counterparts are.A、impersonal suppliers of information and cashB、skillful in negotiationC、good at establishing relationship between negotiatorsD、indirect and impatient(4) Which of the following is NOT mentioned in the passage?A、Foreign negotiators are willing to invest time in relationship between negotiators.B、American negotiator's directness and impatience cause cross-cultural misunderstanding.C、Americans has played a more effective role in international business negotiations.D、Foreign negotiators think that American can afford to pay the price without bargaining(5) What is the topic of this passage?A、The differences between American negotiators and foreign negotiatorsB、Negotiation skillsC、International business and cross-cultural communicationD、Cross-cultural understanding
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To some extent, Bush Jr.’s foreign policy can be given the label of multilateralism.()
此题为判断题(对，错)。
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The writer mentioned the case of the United States to justify the policy of _______ .A providing financial support overseasB preventing foreign capital's controlC building industrial infrastructureD accepting foreign investment
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the prime minister and cabinet decide on the general direction of britain’s foreign policy. ()
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pax americana indicates american policy to create a world order dominated by the united states. ()
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which of the following is not involved in making the british foreign policy?A. The Foreign and Commonwealth Office.B. The Prime Minister and the Cabinet.C. The Queen of Britain.D. The Ministry of Defence and the Treasury.
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She also suggests that foreign students _________ housing with American students.
A. shareB. will shareC. shared.
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What is the basis for the American notion of national good? ( )A. Individual freedom.B. Personal property.C. National cooperation.D. Both A and B.
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The fact that "almost one-fourth of engineers in America who earned Ph.D． s are foreign born" implies that（ ）[A] the majority of American people are not interested in getting Ph.D．[B]foreign students are more eager to get Ph. D．[C] the American education has lagged behind in the New Economy[D]American students are not as clever as foreign students
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California,the first city on the American continent,reached its peak of development and power at about 1100 AD.A:summit
B:tip
C:height
D:apex
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The making of foreign language education policy must take into consideration the（）and educational situation of the country.
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短文互译：From English into Chinese A joint venture is a form. of business organization undertaken by two or more parties. It is China’s Policy to enter into joint ventures with foreign enterprises in order to expand international economic cooperation and technologi.
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Which of the following would a company implement to help reduce the cost of electricity？（）A、Shutdown/power policiesB、Redundant power suppliesC、Use optical miceD、Social engineering policy
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问答题短文互译：From English into Chinese A joint venture is a form. of business organization undertaken by two or more parties. It is China’s Policy to enter into joint ventures with foreign enterprises in order to expand international economic cooperation and technologi.
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单选题The U.S. Congress has the power to make these laws except _____.A
of defenseB
of citizenship and naturalizationC
of marriageD
of the regulation of the foreign trade
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填空题If the President wants to take significant action in foreign relations, it is necessary to gain the Senate’s cooperation and support.____
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单选题The elements that determine a national foreign policy consist in ______.A
the various grades of oilB
the links between oil and foreign policyC
the benchmarks that are used to negotiate pricesD
the general availability and overall price of oil
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单选题Before sailing for a foreign port，what document must you get（）.A
The Policy of insuranceB
The Report of EntranceC
The ClearanceD
The Pratique
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问答题Practice 2 Until early in this century, the isolationist tendency prevailed in American foreign policy. Then two factors projected America into world affairs: its rapidly expanding power, and the gradual collapse of the international system centered on Europe, the watershed presidencies marked this progression: Theodore Roosevelt’s and Woodrow Wilson’s. These men held the reins of government when world affairs were drawing a reluctant nation into their vortex. Both recognized that America had a crucial role to play in world affairs though they justified its emergence from isolation with opposite philosophies. Roosevelt was a sophisticated analyst of the balance of power. He insisted on an international role for America because its national interest demanded it, and because a global balance of power was inconceivable to him without American participation. For Wilson, the justification of America’s international role was messianic: America had an obligation, not to the balance of power, but to spread its principles throughout the world. During the Wilson’s Administration, America emerged as a key player in world affairs, proclaiming principles which, while reflecting the truisms of American though, nevertheless marked a revolutionary departure for Old World diplomats. These principles held that peace depends on the spread of democracy, that states should be judged by the same ethical criteria as individuals, and that the national interest consists of adhering to a universal system of law.
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单选题What made the most negative impression on foreign visitors?A
The country’s vastness.B
The informal friendliness of Americans.C
The fact that the American accent is hard to understand.D
The fact that not many Americans can speak a foreign language.
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单选题What is David Burke now using to teach foreign languages to American children? A
Fairy tales.B
American idioms.C
American slang.
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判断题Foreign policy analysts advocate increasing imports of oil from the politically unstable oil-producing regions.A
对B
错
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填空题The making of foreign language education policy must take into consideration the（）and educational situation of the country.
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单选题In his “_____”, Dreiser’s focus shifted from the pathos of the helpless protagonists at the bottom of the society to the power of the American financial tycoons in the late 19th century.A
Sister CarrieB
An American TragedyC
The GeniusD
Trilogy of Desire
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单选题The overall purpose of this passage is to ______.A
demonstrate the cultural differences between America and EuropeB
indicate ways to improve the American image abroadC
describe the general impression of foreign visitors on AmericaD
criticize some behaviors of American taxi drivers
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问答题Practice 4 America’s singular approach to international affairs did not develop all at once, or as the consequence of a solitary inspiration. In the early years of the Republic, American foreign policy was in fact a sophisticated reflection of the American national interest, which was, simply, to fortify the hew nation’s independence. Since no European country was capable of posing an actual threat so long as it had to contend with rivals, the Founding Fathers showed themselves quite ready to manipulate the despised balance of power when it suited their needs indeed, they could be extraordinarily skillful at maneuvering between France and Great Britain not only to preserve America’s independence but to enlarge its frontiers. Because they really wanted neither side to win a decisive victory in the wars of the French Revolution, they declared neutrality. Jefferson defined the Napoleonic Wars as a contest between the tyrant on the land (France) and the tyrant of the ocean (England) —in other words, the parties in the European struggle were morally equivalent. Practicing an early form of nonalignment, the new nation discovered the benefit of neutrality as a bargaining tool, just as many an emerging nation has since.
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